Would a nuclear Iran mean the end of Israel's policy of nuclear opacity?
Building a new facility to expand the U.S. capacity to make plutonium pits for nuclear warheads would be expensive, unsafe, and completely unnecessary.
President Obama has committed the United States to a vital goal--securing vulnerable nuclear materials worldwide--but funding has fallen far short of the levels required to achieve it.
Iran's enrichment to higher concentrations is currently neither a serious bid to manufacture fuel for its research reactor, nor a breakthrough toward a nuclear weapon. It is an effort to gain political leverage.
The Obama administration’s recent Nuclear Posture Review envisions a big role for missile defense in U.S. deterrent strategy--a misguided and dangerous notion.
India's peculiar and often paradoxical approach to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty has long been a roadblock to nonproliferation efforts. Yet recent signs indicate that New Delhi may be reconsidering its position.
Anyone who thought that President Barack Obama's commitment to disarmament was a sign of U.S. weakness should read his administration's powerful new Nuclear Posture Review.
It took nearly a year of protracted negotiations for Washington and Moscow to reach consensus on a follow-on agreement to START. But is the toughest fight--Senate ratification--still to come?
Some who oppose new disarmament goals argue that Washington is dozing while other nuclear powers modernize their forces, threatening to surpass U.S. capabilities. Here's why they're wrong.
An in-depth look at Iran's recently exposed secret fuel enrichment plant raises questions over intent and whether similar facilities will be discovered in the future.
Washington eventually will need to reassess its deployment of nuclear weapons in Turkey, but removing the weapons while maintaining positive relations with Ankara will take careful diplomacy.
Intelligence seems to suggest that Kim Jong-il's 26-year-old youngest son has been tapped as his successor, adding another layer of complexity to the already complicated North Korean nuclear situation.
In 1996, India was resolutely opposed to the CTBT, citing discriminatory treatment of non-nuclear weapon states, among other factors. But in the decade since, its hard-line stance has softened.
With the Bush-era European-based missile shield no more, Prague may need to look to the European Union and NATO for its security guarantees.
Warsaw received the U.S. administration's decision on the European missile defense plan with mixed feelings. And despite suggestions of a new program with new opportunities, future U.S.-Polish cooperation won't be easy.
Recently uncovered, private notebooks of a former deputy to a high-ranking Politburo member provide new understanding of the Soviet chemical, biological, and nuclear weapon programs during the Cold War's waning days.
All nuclear politics are local--the exact reason why future arms control treaties and warhead reductions face uncertain odds for Senate approval.
Just because air samples and satellite imagery haven't detected the telltale signs that Pyongyang is reprocessing its spent nuclear fuel doesn't mean that it's not happening.